"And just because an act was passed by one party in congress (Before Judicial Review btw), only to give rise to a controversy of historic proportions by the Election of 1800 doesn't mean that there was an understanding that freedom of speech was limited in regards to politics. I believe the First Amendment Bill of Rights is the proper precedent to cite in the early republic, not the Alien and Sedition acts, at best a short lived aberration in the period. If you want to say that later during the civil war and wwi the meaning of free speech was changed, thats a completely different argument with considerable merit."
I only brought up the Alien and Sedition Acts to point out that this notion that the founders, not the public - the founders - were free speech absolutists is historically inaccurate. Washington and Adams were two of the most important founders. Your retort was that Jefferson and Madison opposed it, and that the public threw the Federalists out because they didn't like the law. I replied by saying that Jefferson was happy to stifle the political speech of his opponents with seditious libel cases - so even if Jefferson opposed a law which targeted specifically his party (gee why wouldn't he?) he was happy to target his opponents, so it was opportunistic - not principled. We also disagree as to whether the Alien & Sedition Acts single handedly destroyed the Federalist Party, but that point is not even very relevant to the main argument. I could care less what the masses felt about that law as it doesn't have any bearing on what the founders felt or whether or not other forms of restrictions were accepted as a matter of law. The point is that it's a historical myth that the founders were committed to unrestricted political speech.
The Alien & Sedition Acts is not an aberration if you consider the fact that the founders had, as I said, a British common law view of free speech as articulated in the Blackstone Commentaries. It was a source of consternation mainly because it targeted the Jeffersonians, not because it restricted speech.
http://books.google.com/books?id=yisAAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA141-IA1&source=gbs_toc_r&cad=4#v=onepage&q&f=false
"nd Samuel Chase wasn't impeached due to a law abridging free speech, if I recall it was due to bad behavior for something political he said."
So, what's the source of confusion here? You don't see the relevance of the Chase impeachment, even though you just outlined it a case of prosecuting a judge for political speech?
"(even though hes a Political Scientist). "
Cute dig. I thought you'd be above the Fulham-type broad-based attacks on particular academic disciplines. Especially a field that is largely allied with history. If you're being facetious, then whatever, but somehow I doubt you are.
"No idea what you are getting at here. Im talking about the election of 1800, you implied (sorry if I read to far, but I do believe this was implied) that the alien and sedition acts couldnt have had much success because Jefferson barely won, I responded to look at the House of Reps rather than the presidential election because they were decided by popular vote."
You said the Kentucky Resolutions happened late in 1798, so therefore 1798 is not a good barometer of public opinion, even though you only allow for House elections as barometers of public opinion. I responded by saying that many of the House elections happened well into 1799, even into the term of the next Congress.
My last point wasn't a very good one, but I was trying to say that if the fact that some state legislatures picked electors invalidates Presidential elections as barometers of public opinion, I'm wondering why House elections that span across a year are satisfactory. A better point would have been that the affects of state legislatures taking back control over electors in certain states was a wash, since it cost both parties roughly equally in terms of electors going to their opponent that otherwise wouldn't have (in other words, this mechanism was not responsible for making the election close).
Six states chose electors by popular vote in that election: Kentucky, Maryland, North Carolina, Rhode Island, Virginia and Tennessee. Rhode Island went to Adams, Maryland was split in half, North Carolina was split 8/4 for Jefferson, Virginia went entirely to Jefferson (winner-take-all), and Tennessee went entirely for Jefferson.