@xenon: Okay, that makes more sense. But from what I've seen is that, depending upon the model that's created, there can still be some internal biases projected onto the results when analyzing statistics, especially with congressional politics. I'm not trying to defend any argument. It just seems to me that you can use different models to support whichever ideas you want to prove. I read one theory that used sound statistical practice to prove that the republican party is more fiscally responsible! But again, it's not a focus of my paper, although it would make an interesting side note.
@Thucy: I did include a section like that. It points to significant trends in Carr's and K&Ns' theories and links them to trends in theories on congressional politics. Perhaps it's not quite the argument you would like to see, but I basically stated that because both IR theory and congressional theory are our primary methods for observing political trends, they're justifiable for the premise of my paper. I disagree that defending the theoretical approach will strengthen my paper. It's a theoretical paper based on how theories interact with other theories. But still, any chance to defend theory is worth it to me, so I'll see about adding some defending points in my next edit.
As per the purpose of my paper, I have a kind of view where I want to present political actors as motivated by practical needs for power and security. I'm having trouble wording exactly what I want to say (which is obviating the fact that my theory needs work), so I'll spare the full explanation for another time. But really, I'd like to at least field the idea that congressional political actors need more of a systemic analytical approach: each congressman has countless influences beyond personal belief, including party motivation and support, financial stress from supporters, interest group lobbyists, constituents, and a staff of 60+ members, each telling him what to do and think. Personally, from all this, I've adopted the thought process that no political actor acts of their own free will. While decisions made by feudal kings and army generals had much more significant impacts on the personal level, congressmen (and presidents) act as some sort of voice to a structural entity. This view is impossible to defend without theoretical analysis, and would take a book for me to thoroughly present - a task I'll be much better suited for in twenty years or so.
So, in general, my paper is an attempt to discuss a factor that influences a theory that I can't fully articulate. Which is why, I'll admit, my paper is incomplete.